Lead author: Zhou Zhiwei (周志伟)
Co-authors: Chai Yu (柴瑜), Gao Cheng (高程), Zhou Zhiwei (周志伟), Zhang Yong (张勇), Wang Fei (王飞) and He Luyang (何露杨)
Lula’s vision of the world is compatible with China’s
“Brazil is a developing country that has the ambition [to become] a great power. Its diplomatic tradition and values are characterised by multilateral cooperation and a de-emphasis of ideology [去意识形态化]. It [also] differs from the US in terms of its geopolitical rivalries and developmental characteristics.”
“As a matter of fact, the mainstream view among Brazilian strategists is that Brazil does not belong to the West and that the only way forward is to strengthen cooperation with emerging powers such as China.”
“Furthermore, multilateralism is also widely regarded as being ‘the path most conducive to Brazil's involvement in global governance’ and is an important diplomatic tradition for the country.”
“With Lula's return to power, Brazil's diplomatic autonomy will be significantly strengthened. Its diplomatic priorities will [move away] from its periodic ‘alliance with the US’ and return to its tradition of South-South cooperation. This [will] provide favourable conditions for China to deepen its strategic partnership with Brazil.”
The importance of Brazil for China
“Overall, the importance of Brazil in the next phase of China's overall foreign strategic layout lies in five main areas [Note: four were listed as follows]:
Brazil is an important partner for China in [its attempt] to maintain international peace and development, counter the trend towards de-globalisation and build both a new type of international relations and a community with a shared future for mankind.
Brazil is an expanding market [through which] China can plan a new pattern of its opening up to the outside world, boost its ‘dual-circulation’ model, jointly build the ‘BRI’, and ensure the security of its supply of strategic resources (food and energy).
Brazil and China can [also] learn from each other in terms of achieving sustainable development, avoiding developmental problems and improving the effectiveness of domestic governance.
Brazil is a supporting force for China's efforts to reform the global governance system, promote ‘Chinese proposals’ and increase the effectiveness of China’s international communication [国际传播].
SUMMARY
Lula’s Brazil is seen as having fundamental political differences with the US.
Under Lula, Brazil's diplomatic focus is expected to be reoriented towards the Global South and, most importantly, away from the US.
Furthermore, Brazil’s interests, “de-emphasis of ideology” and approach to global issues are said to be often aligned with China’s.
Brazil is viewed as an important partner in promoting globalisation, reforming the current international order and bringing about a multipolar world.
Beijing should therefore strive to “win” Brasilia over as a reliable partner and “support it” in opposing “hegemonism and foreign power politics” (i.e. in opposing the US).
Beijing should support Brazil’s desire to play a greater role in global affairs.
Beijing should convince an already BRI-friendly Lula to “participate in” (understand “sign up to”) the Belt and Road Initiative.
The BRICS should of course remain an important platform for China-Brazil and South-South cooperation.
The development of economic cooperation will continue to be “the key factor determining Latin America's attitude towards China”. In this respect, China is shown to be at an advantage when compared with the US.
10. Beijing should also provide “unequivocal support” for Latin American integration, strategic autonomy and “self-strengthening”.
Lead author
Name: Zhou Zhiwei (周志伟)
Position: Director of the Centre for Brazilian Studies, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences (CASS).
Research focus: Brazil and China-Latin America relations.
Education: BA Hunan Normal University (1999); MA Hubei University (2002); PhD University of Chinese Academy of Social Sciences (2009).
Experience abroad: Visiting scholar at the Institute of International Relations, University of Sao Paulo (2007-2008) and at the Institute for Strategic Studies, Federal University of Fluminense (2012-2013).
The excerpt and summary are from a lengthy piece by seven researchers from the Institute of Latin American Studies, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences (CASS).